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标题: 为了法治,为了我们心中的那一份理想---贺卫方 [打印本页]

作者: maoxiaoliu    时间: 2011-4-13 07:34     标题: 为了法治,为了我们心中的那一份理想---贺卫方

为了法治,为了我们心中的那一份理想
(2011-04-12 12:51:41)
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重庆
打黑
致法律界
西南政法大学
杂谈
        分类: 本阁社论

为了法治,为了我们心中的那一份理想

——致重庆法律界的一封公开信

贺卫方



尊敬的重庆市法律界各位同仁:



一年多来,我一直想写一封公开信与各位交流一下关于重庆“打黑”的看法。不过考虑到自己在博客等媒体上对于某些事件已经作出过不少评论,担心“说三道四”,饶舌惹厌,也就作罢了。但是,最近重庆的某些走势令人颇感焦虑,如鲠在喉。在我看来,在这座城市里所发生的种种,已经危及法治社会的基本准则,作为一个法律学者尤其是一直参与司法改革的学者,我觉得,公开地把自己的一些困惑和批评意见发表出来已经成为一个紧迫的义务。



促成我写这封公开信的另一个因素是,重庆是我的母校西南政法大学的所在地,是我魂牵梦萦的一座城市。1978年,经历了“八千里路云和月”,在歌乐山下的这座校园里,自己开始了此后的法学生涯。当年上学的时候,我们的老师们也刚刚从“十年浩劫”中备受压制的状态里回到校园,谈起文革期间无法无天、生灵涂炭的一幕幕,一些老师不禁泪洒讲坛。其实,我们这些学生也都是文革的亲历者,所以每个人都是何等地珍惜法学这门专业。我们憧憬着祖国法治建设的前景,盼望着能够早日投身到这桩伟大的事业中,为保障公民权利与自由作出贡献,并下定决心,绝不让文革悲剧在这片土地上重演。



然而,时过三十多年,我们多么熟悉的这座城市里却发生了很多事情,令人恍然有时光倒流、文革重演之感,法治的理想正在沦丧。是的,我指的正是已经持续两年多的“打黑除恶”(当然也包括“唱红”,不过“唱红” 这里就暂时不讨论了)。在整个“打黑”行动中,我们看到了运动式执法和司法在轰轰烈烈地开展。在短短八个月的时间里,当局发动社会密告(所谓“群众来信和检举”),抓获“涉黑”人员近五千人。随之而来的是数百个“专案组”突击工作,以“重庆速度”批量化地逮捕、起诉和审判。文强案二审之前出现在最高人民法院官方网站上的王立新法官的日记清楚地表明,公安、检察和法院之间是如何不分彼此、联合办案的。不仅如此,所谓“大三长会议”几乎是公开地登堂入室。对于一些重大案件,法院院长、检察院检察长、公安局局长开会协调,导致案件还没有开审,判决结果就提前决定了。最后的审理过程就是走过场。制度设计中所追求的三机关相互制约机制也就完全失灵了。各位同仁,你们不觉得这种做法完全违反了我国宪法和刑事诉讼法所明确规定的检察权和审判权独立的准则么?



在李庄案的审判过程中,我们分明看到,法庭基本的中立性已经荡然无存。庭审中,李庄及其辩护人请求证人出庭接受质证。我相信主持审判的付鸣剑法官深知这种当面质证的重要性,因为你在西南政法大学的硕士论文研究的主题正是证人出庭作证的必要性。然而合议庭却拒绝了被告方的要求,理由居然是证人不愿意出庭作证。请各位查一下刑事诉讼法,有没有证人出庭与否取决于他或她的意愿的规则?况且该案的七位关键证人均在重庆执法部门的羁押之下,他们提供的书面证词很可能出自于刑求或其他威逼利诱,必须通过面对面的核查印证,才能让李庄究竟是否唆使相关人员做伪证等真相大白。然而,江北区法院——这是我当年大学实习的地方——却硬是仅仅凭借这些无法质证的所谓证词作出了有罪判决。



在该案二审时,出现了极其蹊跷的一幕:李庄由一审绝不认罪到二审时突然完全认罪。我们无力深究这戏剧性转变背后的影响因素,不过当法庭宣布由于李庄的认罪,将刑期由两年六个月改为一年六个月时,李庄明显表现出受骗后的屈辱和愤怒,他大声说:“我的认罪是假的。希望法庭不要给我按认罪处理,认罪是在重庆公安机关和检察机关诱导之下进行的”(据“经济观察网”2010年2月9日报道)。李庄的言辞表明,他仍然没有认罪。这样一来,依据他认罪因而减轻处罚的二审判决就被釜底抽薪了。作为一个公正的法庭,必须立即宣布暂缓作出二审判决,查清李庄认罪是在自由意志支配的行为,还是确有背后交易导致以认罪换缓刑。无论如何,既然李庄已经明确地拒绝认罪,二审合议庭需要在这一新情况出现之后作出新的判决。如果法官们确认一审所认定事实无误,那么就应该改为维持原判,而不是减轻处罚。当然,如果存在着警方和检察机关诱骗认罪的情节,法院也需要追究相关人员妨碍司法的罪责。但是,重庆市第一中级人民法院却任由法警将正在怒吼的李庄拖出法庭,对于合议庭依据虚假认罪基础上的判决无动于衷。这又是为什么?



看得出来,围绕着李庄案的审判,重庆方面做足了“功课”。法学界也无法置身事外。庭审现场,有学者应邀旁听。12月30日的庭审持续到凌晨一点多。接近尾声时,在法庭楼上的一间可以通过视频直播看到庭审现场的会议室里,“有关部门”连夜召开法学专家座谈会。“有关部门”是哪个部门?深夜被叫来参加座谈会的西南政法大学教授梅传强告诉《南方周末》,是重庆市政法委召集的。第二天,《重庆日报》便刊出了庭审纪实和学者们力挺这次审判、批驳李庄及其律师在庭审中所提出各项质疑的发言摘要。基层法院的一次审判,直辖市的政法委亲自主导,星夜召集学者座谈,市委机关报第一时间为之造势。面对这一切,若还有人相信这样的审判以及后来重庆第一中级法院的二审有一丝丝审判独立、程序正义的意味,那实在是天真到可笑的程度了。



问题在于,假如没有法律界的配合,这一出出司法闹剧又如何可以顺利上演?参与者也许会辩解说,在目前的体制下,个人即便内心有疑问甚至抵触,但是你如何抗拒这种压倒性的支配力量?诚然,这是一件十分纠结的难题。但是,在消极顺从与积极迎逢之间还是有着清晰的界限。某些受过严格法律训练的检察官那种罔顾法律概念,创造性地为一些非法行为背书的行为,实在令人齿寒,也可以说是法律教育失败的象征。



这里还要特别表达对于重庆法学界某些学者的失望之情。如果说实务界由于身份困难而不得不听命于上峰的话,学者们却完全可以保持最低限度的独立性。对于践踏法治准则的行为,也许你不愿意发表直率的批评,但至少还有保持沉默的权利。世界不少国家的法律史表明,在维护法治基本准则方面,法律学界都承担着为实务界提供理论和知识后援的使命,同时也肩负着耶林所谓“为法律而斗争”的神圣义务。面对干预司法独立、违反法律程序、损害公民权利与自由的行为,学术界需要作出清晰而坚定的批评和抵制。但遗憾的是,一些学界同仁不此之图,反而在一审判决尚未作出的时候,就在官方报纸上集体合唱,发表对于五个程序事项一边倒的言论。你们可以看一下随后网络上各方人士如何评论,给学界尤其是西南政法大学带来了怎样的声誉损害。我不明白,促使诸位做这样事情的动机究竟是什么?



最后,我要对重庆公安局王立军局长说几句话。2010年11月,你被西南政法大学聘为兼职博士生导师,我恰好也是母校的兼职博导(查简历,还获悉你也是北大法学院刑法研究所的研究员,足见我们的缘分不浅),所以这里不妨做些学者间的交流。虽然只是公安局局长,但由于重庆当局将“打黑”运动作为工作的重点,你的角色就特别凸显,可谓举足轻重。对于你主导的这场雷霆万钧的运动,我颇有一些担心。一是指导思想上如果存有净化社会的观念,结果可能是危险的。人性总有某些无从改变的特性,一个健康的社会也许只能对于某些人性的弱点采取容忍的态度。况且秩序与自由有着内在的紧张,过于重视秩序,未免偏于一端,令自由受到减损。



第二,尽管我们都痛恨黑社会,也赞成以法律制裁这类犯罪行为,不过还是要看到,黑社会在重庆能够发展到你们喜欢声称的那种可怕程度,那一定是我们的“白社会”出了严重问题。例如司法不彰,企业界只好依赖法外手段保证交易安全。打黑固然必要,但治本之策却是健全政府依法行政和司法正义的相关制度。



第三,假如政府在惩罚犯罪的过程中使用非法手段,例如刑讯逼供,剥夺嫌疑人的诉讼权利,甚至让那些从事刑事案件辩护的律师提心吊胆,朝不虑夕,势必会带来严重的后患。政府用非法手段打击犯罪令人产生某种不好的感觉,那就是“以黑制黑”,强权即公理。而且,过于严厉的惩罚损害了人们的平等预期,对国家心存怨恨的已决犯亲属以及将来出狱的人们将形成一股可怕的反社会力量。多年来,很多非常恶性的犯罪的作案者都是此前“严打”中受到过于严厉打击的刑满释放者。你从事公安工作多年,对此一定有比我更多的了解。



第四,尽管在现行体制上,公安机关具有超越司法的强势,但是,你作为一个兼职法学博士生导师,我相信一定会理解,法治国家的一个重要标志就是警察权要受制于司法权;公安需要尊重司法权,要接受检察机关独立的监督和审查,要维护法院和法官的独立性。其实,尊重独立司法对于手握大权的人一样重要。文强在炙手可热的时候根本不会意识到这种独立性的价值,但一旦沦为阶下囚,他也许幡然醒悟,深刻地感受到,没有独立的司法,没有一个人是安全的。



各位同仁,我在写这封信的时候,时时会想到死亡这件事。虽然相关数据没有全部公布,不过自从“打黑”以来,文强之外,在重庆还有不少人被判处死刑。人都不免一死,由国家公权力剥夺一个人的生命毕竟是很重大的事情。在网上看到你们的城市组织市民唱“红歌”的图片,真是红旗招展,满目赤色。旗帜的颜色也是血液的颜色。“唱红”与“打黑”两者行为都以同样的颜色铺陈渲染,令人不禁产生复杂的联想。不过,无论是权倾一时者,还是屈辱偷生者,生命注定是朝向死亡的。那些死刑犯不过比活着的人早走一些时日。砍头和枪杀都会留下可怕的伤痕,不过,那却是一种无需治疗的创伤。古希腊伟大的戏剧家索福克勒斯对此看得很清楚,容我把他的诗句作为这封信的结语吧:



等冥王注定的命运一露面,

那时候,没有婚歌、弦乐和舞蹈,

死神终于来到了。

一个人最好不要出生;

一旦出生了,求其次,

是从何处来,尽快回到何处去。

等他度过了荒唐的青年时期,

什么苦难他能避免?

嫉妒、决裂、争吵、战斗、残杀接踵而来。

最后,那可恨的老年时期到了,

衰老病弱,无亲无友。



愿各位幸福,并致法治的敬礼!



2011年4月12日



附注:作者欢迎传统媒体和网络转载本文,尤其欢迎重庆市媒体转载,无需征求同意。
作者: snorkeler    时间: 2011-4-13 11:46

我为什么一定要远离思想界的盆友?
因为我觉得他们是一帮成事不足,败事有余的白痴。他们总是犯着“直把杭州做汴州”的错误,以为他们面对的是昂格鲁-撒克逊人,斯堪德纳维亚人,或者是高卢人,拉丁人......

他们错了,他们面对的是一群中国泥腿子,暴民,愚民。
这群动物不但愚蠢无知,更嗜血残忍,把杀人当盛大节日对待。
他们人格下贱,却狂妄自大,总以为真理在手,替天行道。
暴君们从这个阶层里产生,但暴君之所以能从普通的泥腿子成为暴君,是因为暴君善于讨好这群泥腿子,赢得他们的拥护和爱戴。然后,泥腿子下贱的本性就流露出来,把思考的权利/独立的灵魂,统统交给暴君,匍匐在暴君脚下成为犬人,任由暴君蹂躏——假如泥腿子们知道什么叫“思考”和“灵魂”的话。

甚至,暴君死了几十年了,还有几亿泥腿子犬人仍跪拜在僵尸的脚下。
欲要取之,必先与之。
暴君比思想界盆友们高明之处在于,与这群泥腿子打交道,必须首先用到泥腿子的一些规则。
暴君说,从群众中来,到群众中去。
所以,各种暴君总是可以成功;而可爱的自由主义者们,不是逃亡就是被杀,而这个泥腿子国度,戾气依旧。

你不肯屈尊去迎合、讨好、奉承泥腿子,不肯赋予他们一些他们根本不存在的美德去夸奖他们,而是以一种“特立独行”的姿态去宣扬你的宽容、理性,必然是对牛弹琴。不仅起不到教化泥腿子的作用,反而引起泥腿子们对你们的仇视,进而鄙视你们所代表的自由、民主、平等、博爱的价值观。

暴君说,战术上重视敌人,战略上藐视敌人。
其实,他把泥腿子也当成自己的敌人。作为奴隶主,奴隶必然是他的敌人。
但暴君聪明在,他在骨子里鄙视泥腿子,把泥腿子当成他实验室里的白鼠,动辄以几千万级的数量让白鼠们去死,可暴君在战术上却很重视取悦泥腿子,从不吝惜最优美的语言夸奖与泥腿子毫无关系的美德,许诺给泥腿子一步登天的生活。
所以,泥腿子听他的,他让他们去送死,他们就去送死,还自以为是种崇高。

每次有类似如重庆打黑、药8刀这种事件发生,泥腿子们内心中几百年难得出现一次的“正义感”闪现,嚷嚷着要杀人扬善时,我可爱的思想界盆友都会跳出来螳臂挡车:“哦,不行,我们要法治,我们要程序公正......”

结果会怎样?面对这种蠢人蠢话,泥腿子不但不会理会,反而在仇恨药某时也恨不得把你杀了,连带你的“法治、公正”一起送进垃圾堆里去。
作者: qdpan    时间: 2011-4-13 13:09     标题: 贺卫方又开始做他“与虎谋皮”的“法治梦”了

尽管如此,我依然很钦佩他


附上左派对该公开信的评论


引用:


刘仰:致贺卫方的一封公开信


 


   近日,著名法律人士贺卫方的一篇文章在网络广泛传播,该文的标题是《为了法治,为了我们心中的那一份理想——致重庆法律界的一封公开信》,落款日期是2011年4月12日。文后还有一个附注:“作者欢迎传统媒体和网络转载本文,尤其欢迎重庆市媒体转载,无需征求同意。”这条附注仿佛是一个网络动员令,虽然还没有见到传统媒体转载(可能因为传统媒体比较慢),但是,诸多网络媒体以及博客之类的“个人媒体”,的确如“附注”所言,纷纷响应。可见,贺卫方的名字还是有不小的号召力。读了贺卫方的这篇文章,有点想法不得不说。


  自从重庆开始打黑唱红后,对重庆的批判反对声音就一直存在,其中最主要的代表,就是南方系媒体。但是,面对重庆打黑除恶的坚定行动,南方系媒体玩弄的一些小花招、小动作,都没什么作用。比方说,南方系时常对被判刑的黑恶势力首要分子表示“人性化”的同情;对王立军严格按照法律办事的“双起”表示“齿寒”;大声疾呼保护民营企业家,拐弯抹角地暗示重庆在打击民营经济;对正常的法律程序、依法办事,以莫须有证据表达质疑,仅仅为质疑而质疑,却不顾事实和证据;等等。我倒不是说重庆的做法就十全十美,就不可以批评,但是,如果批评不敢正大光明,不能摆事实讲道理,只是含沙射影地想彻底否定重庆的做法,那么,它既不能使我们对重庆的一系列做法有清楚的认识,也不能正确地判断重庆模式的真正意义和价值。
 
  我认为,南方系媒体对重庆持续的冷嘲热讽和围攻,其实很失败。因为,广大民众的眼睛看的清清楚楚,打黑除恶对于社会是一件大好事。于是,当南方系挑衅重庆以卵击石之后,贺卫方作为一个重量级的法律人物,又站出来了。他不像南方系那样,只是说一点兔死狐悲的文艺腔,而是高屋建瓴地站在“心中的那一份理想”的高度,以“普世化”的法治精神为切入点,向重庆法律界表达了他的看法,或者说道德判决。显然,贺卫方教授的文章,把南方系那些“小鬼”们比下去了。有了贺卫方教授的重击,南方系以往那些打向重庆的暗器、冷拳、群殴,即使都绵里藏针,也都像是挠痒痒了。那么,贺卫方教授的“一封公开信”又说了些什么呢?我觉得,贺教授的这篇文章让我明白了一个问题:他所提倡的法治理想,不过是“我们心中”的那一份理想。这里的“我们”,很可能只是贺教授自己的小圈子,它与民众和社会的法治理想是不同的。
 
  例如,贺卫方在公开信中说:“我们多么熟悉的这座城市里却发生了很多事情,令人恍然有时光倒流、文革重演之感,法治的理想正在沦丧。”在这个问题上,贺卫方与南方系是一致的,即:故意把重庆的打黑除恶歪曲成“文革”。所以,那是贺卫方等人“我们”的看法,而不是事实。有过文革经历的人应该知道,文革是砸烂公检法,群众闹革命。而当前重庆所作的一切,都在严格的法律框架内,按照公检法的法律程序办事,与文革“砸烂公检法”完全不可同日而语。当然,贺卫方教授可能认为,重庆的公检法已经被“造反派”掌握了,因此,“我们”的法治理想已经受到威胁了。那么,贺教授所谓“我们”的法治理想又是什么呢?
 
  贺卫方的公开信写到:“在短短八个月的时间里,当局发动社会密告(所谓‘群众来信和检举’),抓获‘涉黑’人员近五千人。”我想说,贺教授的这段话,再次表明了他的“我们”不是群众,他已经把自己与群众对立起来,群众对黑恶势力坚决抵制、支持打击的态度,通过勇敢的举报反映出来,其中,70%的群众检举是实名的。这一现象表达的是群众相信政府会严厉打击危害社会的黑恶势力,而不担心打击报复,并且对自己的检举承担相应的责任。这种打击黑恶势力的社会正气,在贺卫方眼里,不过是“当局发动群众密告”。贺卫方是法律教授,从最普通的法律概念说,要确定嫌疑人是否犯罪,就需要证据和线索,如果群众检举的线索是真实可信的,正是重证据的法律精神的体现,贺卫方教授为何对此如此不屑呢?如果把贺卫方教授的“我们”理解成被检举者,我们就能理解,他心中的那一份法治理想,究竟是谁的理想了。当群众和政府走到一起,贺卫方们便要大力反对,我们大概就能知道,贺卫方所称的“我们”究竟是谁们了。贺卫方显然对文强的伏法有点不服,他在公开信中说:“案件还没有开审,判决结果就提前决定了。最后的审理过程就是走过场。”我不明白的是,文强自己都没有喊冤,贺教授又有什么证据替文强喊冤呢?如果只是捕风捉影、凭猜测和臆想就做出判断,这难道就是贺教授的“我们”的法治?
 
  贺卫方在法律界的名声很大,但是,他的一段话,让我怀疑他对法律常识的理解。贺教授说:“庭审中,李庄及其辩护人请求证人出庭接受质证。……然而合议庭却拒绝了被告方的要求,理由居然是证人不愿意出庭作证。请各位查一下刑事诉讼法,有没有证人出庭与否取决于他或她的意愿的规则?”据我所知,美国就有这样的规则,美国有世界上最严密的“证人保护法”。这个法的要义就是,公权力机构为证人提供保护,包括改名换姓、异地安置等,条件就是换取证人出庭作证。因此,美国证人保护法的本质就是:为了让证人出庭作证,政府以其他条件作为交换,所以,证人“出庭与否”,的确“取决于他或她的意愿”。因为,如果美国政府提供的保护条件达不到他或她的要求,他或她就可以不出庭作证。贺卫方先生如果连这个都不知道,还怎么做教授?也许,贺教授是知道的,只是在面对重庆的时候,故意装作不知道,以给看他公开信的读者以误导。这就是贺卫方教授所谓“我们”的法治理想?
 
  贺卫方在公开信中多次提到重庆司法机关的“刑求”、“威逼利诱”,但是,贺教授用的却是“可能”、“如果”这样不确定的字眼。贺教授从事法律,应该知道,法治的基本原则之一就是要讲证据,贺教授的“可能”、“如果”又有多少可信程度呢?如果不能将猜测和假设落实了,贺教授在“可能”、“如果”后面写的一大段对审理的质疑又有什么意义?也是,只是对“我们”今后能否逃避法律制裁有意义吧?
 
  贺卫方的公开信还说,李庄案“庭审现场,有学者应邀旁听”;“‘有关部门’连夜召开法学专家座谈会”,“直辖市的政法委亲自主导,星夜召集学者座谈”。贺卫方由此得出结论说:“面对这一切,若还有人相信这样的审判以及后来重庆第一中级法院的二审有一丝丝审判独立、程序正义的意味,那实在是天真到可笑的程度了。”我觉得,可笑的是贺卫方本人,而不是重庆的司法。如果关起门来办案、审理,贺卫方也许会说,那是独断专行;如果听取很多法学专家的意见,与众多法学专家讨论,又被贺卫方说成是违背了审判独立、程序正义,那么,到底应该关起门办案,还是开门办案?是否只是因为没有咨询贺卫方等“我们”的意见,就没有了“程序正义”?这个程序是谁定的?是谁的正义?
 
  贺卫方在公开信中还说:“假如没有法律界的配合,这一出出司法闹剧又如何可以顺利上演?参与者也许会辩解说,在目前的体制下,个人即便内心有疑问甚至抵触,但是你如何抗拒这种压倒性的支配力量?诚然,这是一件十分纠结的难题。但是,在消极顺从与积极迎逢之间还是有着清晰的界限。某些受过严格法律训练的检察官那种罔顾法律概念,创造性地为一些非法行为背书的行为,实在令人齿寒,也可以说是法律教育失败的象征。”我想问一下贺卫方教授,你凭什么认为这是一场“司法闹剧”?你凭什么认为重庆的法律界是“消极顺从与积极逢迎”?你有什么证据认定重庆的司法行为是“非法行为”?看看民众对审判黑恶势力的拥护,是否因为审判结果不合“你们”的意愿,就不符合你之所谓“我们”的法治理想?当贺教授在打黑除恶问题上,坚决地与民众对立的时候,你的“我们”,莫非是同黑恶势力一伙的?换个好听点的说法,是否那些被南方系美化成“民营企业家”的黑恶势力首要人物,就是你的衣食父母?你如此兔死狐悲地义愤填膺,不让人如此理解,实在讲不通。贺教授将“司法闹剧”的出现归结为“目前的体制”,他还是像南方系很多人一样认为:只要是当前的体制,一切都是坏的。也许,贺教授所谓“我们”法治理想,就是要改变“当前的体制”,从而,黑恶势力和他们的保护伞都能在你的程序正义之下,把实质正义抛到九霄云外?我曾经说过:黑社会就是资本主义的催生婆。贺教授是否要保护这个催生婆?
 
  贺卫方在公开信中还向王立军局长提出了四个问题。其中说到:“指导思想上如果存有净化社会的观念,结果可能是危险的。人性总有某些无从改变的特性,一个健康的社会也许只能对于某些人性的弱点采取容忍的态度。况且秩序与自由有着内在的紧张,过于重视秩序,未免偏于一端,令自由受到减损”。我想问贺教授,净化社会的观念有什么不对?有什么危险?难道被黑社会搞得乌烟瘴气才不危险?才是你说的“健康的社会”?才是你所说的“自由”?那么,民众的自由又在哪里呢?按你所说,黑社会是否就是“人性的弱点”,该让老百姓容忍?
 
  贺卫方还对王立军局长说:“黑社会在重庆能够发展到你们喜欢声称的那种可怕程度,那一定是我们的‘白社会’出了严重问题。”我理解贺卫方的意思是说,重庆黑社会的严重程度,是王立军局长等人“声称”出来的,实际上没那么严重,所以重庆打黑属于扩大化。贺教授,你是这个意思吗?我想,这个问题,你最好还是问问重庆的老百姓,别在自己的书房里瞎想。同时,你高瞻远瞩地指出“白社会”出了严重的问题,难道你没有看到重庆公检法对自身内部的蛀虫大力清理的成果吗?如果你认为“白社会”出了严重的问题,你又何必像南方系一样,替文强喊冤呢?难道你是希望“白社会”的问题始终存在下去,以符合“我们”的法治理想?
 
  贺卫方的这封公开信,充满了偏见,因而处处显得自相矛盾。贺教授可能以为,凭着自己的身份,登高一呼,就能认定重庆打黑除恶都是“非法的”。我觉得,贺卫方教授太把自己当回事了,或者说,太把贺教授心仪的“我们”当回事了。贺卫方没有资格、没有证据可以得出重庆的打黑除恶是“非法”的结论。贺卫方把重庆打黑除恶称为“以黑制黑”,更是对国家法律的严重污蔑。我想引用一段吴邦国委员长最近在重庆说的一段话作为结束。
 
  吴邦国说:“看了‘打黑除恶’的资料,真是触目惊心!不打不行,不得了啊!同志们做了很多工作,这是有风险的,很不容易。看了之后惊心动魄。从全国来看,重庆的黑恶势力还不一定是最厉害的,看来其他一些地方也要‘打黑’,不打不行!”贺卫方教授别再为黑恶势力辩护了,别再给中国社会尚存的社会正义抹黑了,你的那个“我们”的法治理想,最多如你自己所说,只能在你“心中”。如果把你的那个“我们”的法治理想变成现实,中国社会将遍地都是黑社会。


   作者刘仰:学者,文化评论人,作家,2008年与宋晓军,王小东,黄纪苏,宋强合著《中国不高兴》




[ 本帖最后由 qdpan 于 2011-4-18 11:43 编辑 ]
作者: free.tiger    时间: 2011-4-13 14:41

建议老贺直接收瓜瓜为徒,
然后屁民们等着30年后世袭给了瓜瓜,让瓜瓜来实现法治梦想
啊哈哈哈……
作者: 最新驴友    时间: 2011-4-13 19:27

贺卫方令人尊敬!
作者: qdpan    时间: 2011-4-20 12:03     标题: A Letter to the Legal Professionals in Chongqing

He Weifang | Posted on 2011-04-12



贺卫方按:近悉香港大学“中国媒体项目”已经将我致重庆法律界的公开信翻译成英文,发表于该机构的网站上。译文有极个别节略,我也做了几处修订。这里也转载一下,并表达对该机构的谢意。

http://cmp.hku.hk/2011/04/12/11481/



Dear colleagues in the legal world in Chongqing:



For more than a year now, I’ve wanted to write an open letter to discuss with everyone my views on the “anti-crime drive” (打黑) in Chongqing. But considering that I wrote quite a number of commentaries on my own blog and for various media, I feared I might make carping remarks or get all twisted up, so I wrote off the idea. However, a number of trends in Chongqing of late are nagging causes for anxiety. In my view, the various things that have happened in that city already pose a danger to the most basic notions of a society ruled by law. And as a legal scholar, one in particular who has participated in the process of judicial reform, I believe I now have an urgent duty to openly express my uneasiness and voice my criticisms.



Another factor behind my writing of this open letter is the fact that Chongqing is the locale of my alma mater, Southwest University of Political Science and Law, and a city of which I have the fondest memories. It was there in 1978, after a “long a arduous journey,” that I began my sojourn into legal studies in that campus at the foot of Gele Hill.



In the course of our studies that year, our teachers too had only just returned to campus life after the “terrible decade” during which they were suppressed, and they spoke of the lawless days of the Cultural Revolution, chapter upon chapter of misery and suffering. A number of teachers could not hold back the tears. Actually, all of us students had also experienced the Cultural Revolution first-hand, and all of us one way or another treasured this course of study in law. We longed for the future of building rule of law in our homeland, and we all hungered for the opportunity to get involved in this great project, doing our part to preserve civil rights and freedom. We made up our minds that we would not allow the tragedy of the Cultural Revolution to be replayed on this soil.



Now, thirty years have passed, and so many things have happened in this city with which we are so intimately familiar, things that cause one to feel that time has been dialed back, that the Cultural Revolution is being replayed, and that the ideal of rule of law is right now being lost. That’s right, I’m pointing to the “campaign of crackdown on criminal forces” (打黑除恶) that has been going on [in Chongqing] for two years now (and of course also about this business of “singing red songs,” though I’ll set this issue aside for now).



Throughout this whole “campaign against crime” (打黑) we have seen the furious unfolding of movement-style (运动式) law enforcement and administration of justice. Within a short eight months, the authorities rounded up close to 5,000 “criminally involved” (涉黑) persons by means of informing (or so-called “letters and denunciations by the masses”). Along with this we had one-hundred or so “special case teams” (专案组) making assaults are carrying out wholesale arrest, prosecution and trial proceedings with so-called “Chongqing speed” (重庆速度).



As the diary of Judge Wang Lixin (王立新), posted to the official website of the Supreme People’s Court ahead of the hearing of the Wen Qiang case (文强案) on appeal, clearly shows, police, prosecutors and the courts [in Chongqing] worked in concert, preparing cases without any separation of responsibilities. It’s not just this, but so-called “three chiefs conferences” (大三长会议) have actually appeared too. For a number of important cases, the chief judge, the attorney-general and the police chief will hold meetings and work in a coordinated fashion, so that the cases decided before they ever even go to trial. The eventual hearing of the case is a mere formality. The institutional goal of allowing the three branches to mutually check one another is entirely for naught. My colleagues, do you not believe that these methods run entirely counter to the independent exercise of adjudicative and procuratorial powers clearly stipulated in our nation’s Constitution and Criminal Procedure Law?



In the midst of trial proceedings for the Li Zhuang case (李庄案), we saw quite clearly that the most basic neutrality of the court had already vanished. During the trial, Li Zhuang and his defense attorney requested that witnesses appear in court to be cross-examined. I have no doubt that Judge Fu Mingjian (付鸣剑), who officiated at the trial, understands only too well the importance of face to face cross-examination, because the topic of his research paper at Southwest University of Political Science and Law was on the necessity of witnesses appearing in court for cross-examination. But the collegiate bench [of judges in Chongqing] rejected the request of the defendant, citing as its reason that witnesses were unwilling to appear in court. Please, won’t you all consult your Criminal Procedure Law to see whether or not court appearances by witnesses are determined by the principal of willingness? Seeing as the seven key witnesses in this case are in the custody of law enforcement in Chongqing, the written statements they have provided might have been made under coercion or for gain, and their testimony must be checked in person. Only then can it really be determined whether or not Li Zhuang instigated other in providing false testimony. Nevertheless, the court in Jiangbei District — this is where I studied in my university years — arrived at a guilt verdict in the case on the basis only of this so-called testimony there is no way of verifying.



In the midst of the hearing on appeal of this case, something extremely strange happened: Li Zhuang, who had firmly denied his guilt in the first trial, suddenly entirely admitted his guilt. We are powerless to get to the bottom of the reasons behind this dramatic shift, but when the court announced that, owing to his confession, Li Zhuang’s sentence would be reduced to 18 months from 30 months, Li Zhuang clearly bore the marks of humiliation and anger of one hoodwinked, and he shouted out: “My confession is fake. I hope the court does not handle me according to this plea bargain, as my confession was induced by the Chongqing Public Security Bureau and prosecutors” (see report from Economic Observer Online, February 9, 2010). Li Zhuang’s words show that he had not admitted guilt.



. . .

The problem is, supposing the legal world did not cooperate, how could these judicial dramas be perpetuated? Those who are participating might make excuses and say that they personally harbor doubts or even resist in their hearts, but how can you resist such overwhelming power? Admittedly, this is a very tangled problem. But there is still a clear line between passive obedience and active bootlicking. It is chilling the way some prosecutors with strict legal training have disregarded basic concepts of law, creatively endorsing various illegal actions. And it can be said that this is a sign of the failure of legal education [in our country].



Here I must especially express my feelings of disappointment with a number of law professors in the Chongqing. If the case in professional circles is such that owing to their professional roles they have no choice but to listen to their superiors, it is entirely within the power of these scholars to maintain at least a most minimal degree of independence. As for this trampling on basic standards of rule of law, you perhaps do not wish to directly voice your criticism, but you at least have the right to remain silent. The history of law in many countries shows that, in terms of protecting basic standards of rule of law, one important mission of scholars within the legal field is to provide theoretical support and reinforcement for professionals working in the field. At the same time, they have a sacred duty, as [German jurist] Rudolf von Jhering said, to “struggle for the law. Against intrusions on judicial independence, violations of legal procedure, and conduct damaging civil rights and freedom, scholars must issued clear and firm criticism and opposition. But regrettably, a number of my colleagues [in the legal world] have failed to do this. Quite the contrary, even before the verdict in the first instance came out, they were all singing in unison in official government newspapers, saying things that were completely at odds with the five procedural rules. You can all see online how various people commented [on the case], doing damage to the dignity of academia and especially the dignity of Southwest University of Political Science and Law. I can’t for the life of me understand. What motivated these colleagues to act this way?



Finally, I have a few words for Chongqing’s police chief, Wang Lijun (王立军). In November 2010, you were given a concurrent post as a director of doctoral students at Southwest University of Political Science and Law. As it happens, I too am a director of doctoral students at the University. So at this point I may as well engage a fellow scholar in a bit of conversation. While you are only chief of police, your role has become quite prominent and you are a person of real consequence in light of the fact that authorities in Chongqing have given the “campaign against crime” such a high level of priority. I harbor a number of concerns about the thunderbolt that is this movement you are spearheading. First, if the guiding principle contains hints of social purification, the result could be quite dangerous. There are always aspects of human nature that cannot be changed, and a healthy society can perhaps only take an attitude of tolerance toward certain human weaknesses. There is an inherent tension between order and freedom, and if order is emphasized too strongly, then freedom will suffer in the balance.



Second, while we all bitterly hate criminal elements, and we encourage dealing with criminal activity in accordance with the law, we must also recognize that for “black society” [criminal gangs] to have developed in Chongqing to the terrifying degree you so enjoy declaring, this must surely mean that serious problems have emerged in “white society” [or "clean society"]. As justice has faltered, for example, enterprises have had to rely on means outside the law to ensure the safety of business. While campaigning against criminal elements is necessary, dealing with the problem at its root means building the relevant systems to ensure that government administration accords with the law and the courts are just.



Third, assuming that in the process of meting out justice the government employs means that are illegal, such as extraction of confession by torture, violating suspects’ rights in litigation, or even intimidating lawyers for the defense in criminal cases, the future consequences of this will be serious. Employing illegal means to strike out against illegal elements leaves people with the unfortunate impression that might is right, that black can be used to deal with black. Moreover, excessively severe penalties upset the expectation people have for equal treatment, and this breeds pent up anger among the family members of those already found guilty, and the guilty who might one day be released from prison, fostering a frightening anti-social force. For many years, we’ve seen that the perpetrators of many of the most grievous crimes [in our society] were those viciously treated in previous “strike hard” campaigns [against crime] and then released at the end of the terms. Having been in law enforcement for so many years, you must be even more clear about this than I am.



Fourth, even though under the current system, police organs have power surpassing that of the courts, I am confident you must understand as a director of doctoral students, that one important measure of rule of law in a country is the limiting of police power by the courts. Police must respect the courts, and they must accept the independent examination and supervision of prosecutors, and must protect the independence of courts and judges. Actually, respect for judicial independence is just as important for those who hold major power in their hands. While he was still in favor, Wen Qiang (文强) no doubt had little idea of the value of this independence, but once he had fallen afoul of the authorities, he must have had a rude awakening, realizing only too well that without judicial independence no one at all is safe.



My colleagues, as I write this letter, I think from time to time of death. While relevant numbers have not been completely released, since the “campaign against crime” was initiated [in Chongqing], aside from Wen Qiang, there have been many people in Chongqing who have been sentenced to death. Death comes to us all, but for the state to deprive a person of his life is a grave matter. I saw pictures on the internet of the city organizing citizens in the singing of “red anthems.” Red banners fluttered in the wind, red as far as the eye could see. The color of these flags is also the color of blood. The “singing of red anthems” and the “campaign against black” [or crime] are bathed in a common color, and one cannot suppress all sorts of complicated memories. Nevertheless, whether one is on top for a time, or lives in ignominy, death will visit us all in the end. Those criminals sentenced to capital punishment will only go there sooner than the rest [in such a system without the protection of laws]. Decapitations and firing squads leave behind dreadful scars, and the trauma is without a cure. The ancient Greek playwright Sophocles recognized this only too clearly. Let me use his words, then, to close this letter:



No ceremony, no wedding songs, no dances and no songs…

Just death! The end of us all is death.

The best would be not to be born at all.

But then, if he is born, the next best thing for him would be to try and return

to where he came from in the quickest possible time!

While youth and its careless mind lasts, no thought is given to what pain, what

misery will, most certainly, follow.

Murder, mayhem, quarrels, wars will come before the inescapable end.

The hateful old age, frailty, loneliness, desolation and

your own misery’s neighbour, is even more misery.



I wish you all happiness, and offer a salute to rule of law.



April 12, 2011



NOTE: The author invites the media to run the text of this letter online, and I extend the invitation particularly to Chongqing media. There is no need to ask permission.
作者: wwb007001    时间: 2011-4-20 12:22

支持贺卫方
作者: wusb168    时间: 2011-4-20 19:59

支持薄熙来打黑。
作者: dddddd111111    时间: 2011-4-21 13:56

那个写不高兴的不是移民了吗?




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